To many, two men—both royal advisors and close friends of the king—symbolize the regime’s failings: Fouad Ali El Himma and Mounir Majidi. Protesters accuse them of leading a small clique of profiteers bent on capturing the Morocco's economy for the benefit of the monarchy and its inner circle.
Tags : Morocco, corruption, royal palace, Mohammed VI, Fouad Ali El Himma, Mohamed Mounir El Majidi, Khalid Oudghiri, Hassan Bouhemou, Attijari Wafabank, Axa, Auchan,
Banned like most books that criticize the monarchy, The Predator King: Seizing Morocco by Catherine Graciet and Eric Laurent has been a bestseller since its release in early March. Its provocative title—and especially its damning content regarding King Mohammed VI and some of his close associates—have led several local websites to publish it online in both French and Arabic. Despite interventions and threats of legal action from the publisher, these efforts have not deterred its spread.
A Nation Reacts
Moroccans’ enthusiasm for the book is not surprising given the context: for over a year, Morocco has been experiencing the aftershocks of the Arab Spring. Represented by the February 20th Movement, tens of thousands of Moroccans protested almost weekly throughout 2011 in many cities, calling for an end to corruption and favoritism and the establishment of true democracy.
To many, two men—both royal advisors and close friends of the king—symbolize the regime’s failings: Fouad Ali El Himma and Mounir Majidi. Protesters accuse them of leading a small clique of profiteers bent on capturing the Moroccan economy for the benefit of the monarchy and its inner circle.
“When one belongs to the people, Sire, there’s always something heavy on the heart,” wrote Victor Hugo. The Predator King sadly confirms this poignant observation from the author of Les Misérables. Well-versed in the country’s politics and economy, the authors expose not only the mafia-like practices of those close to the king but also the systemic corruption that forces the Moroccan people to unwillingly enrich a cynical and greedy ruling elite—starting with the royal family itself.
Monopoly by Royal Decree
With astonishing boldness and rare cynicism, the king’s business associates claimed in the early 2000s that a “national champion” should “lead in its field, act as a locomotive for other companies, and lift an entire sector toward excellence.” However, the authors argue that, far from leading by example, these so-called entrepreneurs saw “national champions” as companies in which the king holds shares and which only operate in monopolistic or quasi-monopolistic environments. Real competition is not tolerated, and every tool is used to ensure their dominance, including a judiciary system not known for its independence.
Although most of the facts in the book have already been reported—thanks to the courageous work of Morocco’s independent press over the past decade—it offers a thorough and illuminating synthesis of the regime’s misconduct, enriched with key details and insider testimony.
A Rare Voice Speaks Out
One of the book’s biggest revelations, described as a “value-added” by the Moroccan weekly TelQuel, is the on-the-record testimony of Khalid Oudghiri, former CEO of Attijariwafa Bank. Once celebrated, he was abruptly ousted, prosecuted, convicted, and then pardoned just before the book’s release. His case illustrates how the regime can fabricate scapegoats.
A former BNP-Paribas executive with internationally recognized credentials, Oudghiri holds both French and Moroccan citizenship. He was careful in how he leaked information. The fact that the royal palace granted him a pardon suggests it wanted to prevent him from making more damaging revelations.
Oudghiri’s clash with Mounir Majidi and his business allies was inevitable for at least three reasons:
- He sought to separate the monarchy from direct involvement in Morocco’s economy to avoid conflicts of interest.
- He had always been openly opposed to corruption.
- His strong relationships with French business circles could have led him to expose Majidi’s conduct toward French firms.
With Oudghiri out of the way, Majidi and his ruthless right-hand man, Hassan Bouhemou, moved to push out two major French companies from the Moroccan market: AXA and Auchan. While Morocco may have had valid reasons to reconsider overly generous deals with them, the disrespectful and unprofessional manner in which Majidi and Bouhemou acted was shocking—especially since such behavior would never have occurred under King Hassan II.
According to Oudghiri:
« Majidi and Bouhemou post record profits and think they’re business tycoons. But what does this have to do with a real economy when it’s all driven by royal arbitrariness? The moment someone speaks in the name of the king’s will, no one dares to oppose it.”
Capture of the Economy
With the judiciary under their influence, government complicity, fear among public officials of displeasing the king, and the support of the stock market watchdog, Majidi and Bouhemou have not only sidelined foreign investors but have seized control of Morocco’s economy. The companies under the king’s control have become cash machines fed by Moroccan consumers.
The book also critiques the naïveté of French businesses, who believed Morocco was a secure market and that any issues could be resolved through diplomatic intervention. But, as Catherine Graciet points out:
“There was no political backing for French industrialists, because for the Élysée and the Foreign Ministry, Morocco’s stability is untouchable—a sort of unwritten law.”
A Call for a Policy Rethink
Graciet and Laurent argue that France must rethink its foreign policy. The election of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD) means that using the Islamist threat to justify unwavering support for the regime no longer holds water. Furthermore, the idea of Morocco as a diplomatic proxy for France has become obsolete under King Mohammed VI, who—unlike his father Hassan II—has remained largely absent from the international stage.
The authors may go too far when they claim that, unlike American diplomats who build ties across civil society,
“The French imitate the worst aspects of the makhzen: the unblinking, ever-agreeable servant.”
While the United States is hardly a perfect model in its Arab diplomacy, France’s uncritical support of Morocco is increasingly hard to justify.
According to the authors, French backing is all the more puzzling given that King Mohammed VI stands in stark contrast to the aspirations and grassroots movements sweeping through the Arab and Muslim world.
Graciet concludes:
“The regime, now openly accused of cronyism and profiteering, has no choice but to reform: either it withdraws from business, or it risks facing the same fate as other Arab regimes.”
Le Monde diplomatique
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