Between the long years past and its return, the day its accession to the AU was consecrated, the Moroccan kingdom has made significant strides on the continent. France provided considerable support in this endeavour. Known for its unwavering support on major issues, France could not ignore Morocco’s quest to re-join the AU without ensuring the necessary relays for it. The services Morocco has always rendered to France (Afrique) are invaluable.
Tags : Morocco, Françafrique, France, Africa, African Union, Western Sahara, Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic,
The hegemonic attitude of France against its former colonies is neither historical nor periodic but systematic
At the end of the World War II, European countries were in a state of exhaustion and depression. The colonial empires of Britain and France understood that they could no longer maintain the colonial order. In those years, the whole world was focused on Algeria’s war of independence along with the genocide and war crimes committed by France. France was making plans to establish a new order in the colonial lands outside Algeria in order to preserve its sphere of influence while colonial countries would be given independence.
Decolonization of Sub-saharan Africa
The Communauté française process, which means the preparation for decolonization, began in 1957. General Charles de Gaulle, who came to power in 1958, continued the process together with his close friend Jacques Foccart. Foccart is known as the father of neo-colonial order called « Françafrique » today. Françafrique, which reigns especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, has been the name of covert operations, interventions, neo-colonial interest networks, illegal commercial activities and the hegemony embodied by these last ones for decades.
Political elites in newly independent African countries were determined by the media, personal networks, and source of financial support during decolonization process. We must note that all the elites have been educated in metropolitan France, so the French culture was dominant among them. On the other hand, to understand what happened to anti-colonial political leaders, it will be enough to look at what happened to Félix-Roland Moumié, a Cameroonian doctor and politician. He paid the price for his anti-colonial political ideology in a way that being poisoned to death in Switzerland by the French intelligence SDECE in 1960.
The military and civil bureaucratic elites were educated and had served for years on behalf of the French Republic. Many of them had problems about belonging to the newly established African states. They saw their own countries as underdeveloped while their people and politicians were despised. Under these conditions, the first military coup in Sub-Saharan Africa took place in Togo in 1963.
After the end of war with Algeria in 1962, this coup, carried out by the soldiers who left the French army and returned to their respective countries, took place with the knowledge and consent of France. Foccart confirms it in his memoirs that over significant part of the 214 military coups that took place on the African continent, France has an explicit or implicit, direct or indirect influence.
As for the economic elite, the two sources of wealth in the newly established states were the state apparatus and foreign capital. While the states in Francophone Africa were sustained with the foreign aid of France, the economy also needed French investment. No need to say that under these circumstances, the economic actors who are partners of French companies were getting stronger.
Building dependencies on all realms
Foccart was establishing direct links with the elites of decolonized countries. By establishing friendly relations with some, and relations based on self-interest with others, he had quickly built a neocolonial network. Direct relations have made Françafrique more sustainable yet all these was not enough alone. Political, legal, financial, military and cultural dependencies were also needed for Françafrique to achieve success. The defense and military-technical cooperation agreements ensured France the right to train local soldiers to intervene in the institutional functioning of the armies. Thanks to military agreements, France perpetuated its military power in Sub-Saharan Africa and did not even need to establish military bases all over the region. « Coopérants », « conseiller militaires », « spécialiste militaires », ENVRs (regional military schools in the African continent) have always kept a strong military network of France alive in the region. An obvious impact of all these actors on the internal security of the states and arise of the crises could be observed.
Jean-Bédel Bokassa, who overthrew President David Dacko of Central African Republic by a military coup on the first day of 1966 (Christmas Coup), had the full support of France when he established a dictatorship in the country. He immediately declared his empire (!) following the opposition was murderously eliminated. The bribery scandal of Bokassa with former French President Valérie Giscard D’Estaing, known as the diamond case, is well-known since it was covered in the media. In 1996, Bokassa, dismissed by a military coup supported by France, claimed in an interview that France still had not paid for the uranium it took from Central African Republic. Today France, producing energy with its 58 nuclear reactors, supplies one-third of the uranium it needs from the Central African Republic and two-thirds from Niger.
The West and Central African countries had also faced pressure for using the Franc CFA before gaining their independence from France. A significant portion of the deposits in these currencies, which are still in circulation today, are being stocked in French banks as per the agreements. The Republic of Guinea, led by Ahmed Sekou Touré, which refused to be included in the Franc CFA region and set its own currency, was severely punished.
In 1959, French intelligence dropped sacks full of fake Guinea Francs printed in France from helicopters and planes all over the country. This operation is known as “Operation Persil” and had lasted for months, until it left the Guinean economy in a difficult position. Touré was exposed to many assassination and coup attempts until 1984. France, which turned its authority over the CFA region into an element of oppression and sanctions on African states, devalued the CFA Franc by 50% during the Mittérrand period. Another country punished for Franc CFA was Mali.
The hegemonic attitude of France is systematic
Paris, working with a Special Presidential Adviser for Africa (cellule africaine) since Jacques Foccart, defines African foreign policy as the « domaine résérvé du Président de la République » which means « the domain reserved to the French President ». The informal terminology used for ex-colonial countries gives a clear idea of Françafrique’s universe of meaning. The hegemonic attitude of France against its former colonies is neither historical nor periodic but systematic.
Françafrique’s bloody history causes much more than a crisis of confidence between France and African states today, it weakens the hegemonic ties as well. Beninese Foreign Minister Aurelien Agbenonci’s dusting off his shoulder after being touched by Macron might make everything more meaningful.
African Union: Françafrique’s Aggressive Offensive
In recent years, Africa has experienced a renewed awakening of consciousness. It is vigorously confronting those nostalgic for Françafrique. There is talk of ending the CFA franc, whose existence earns France over 400 billion euros, as well as the colonial pact and cooperation agreements signed during the independence of Francophone African states.
Fearing for its threatened interests, France has pushed its pawns into action. The latest African Union summit gave birth to a new configuration in which Paris’s allies are practically at the helm of the pan-African organization.
The situation described by Le Monde as « Influence battles for control of the African Union » has resulted in a significant influence of Francophone countries on the functioning of the AU—a reality France has welcomed. At the January 31, 2017 press briefing, the spokesperson for the Quai d’Orsay congratulated the election of Guinean Alpha Condé as head of the AU, as well as « the historic return of the Kingdom of Morocco to the AU, where it has its rightful place. » A « return » that would have been impossible without the support of the Quai d’Orsay.
According to former Algerian minister and diplomat Abdelaziz Rahabi, « some members of ECOWAS, traditionally under French influence, have served as relays for Morocco’s new African policy. » He notes that ECOWAS is sometimes instrumentalized to counterbalance the influence of Algeria and South Africa within the African Union.
For the Kenyan newspaper Daily Nation, « there was a big fish—the alliance of Francophone states »—which contributed to the defeat of Ms. Amina Mohamed in her candidacy for the presidency of the African Commission. « Four of the five presidents of the Commission come from Francophone countries. The occasional Anglophone was an afterthought, » adds Daily Nation.
For the South African newspaper News24, « the important position of Commissioner for Political Affairs was awarded to Minata Cessouma Samate of Burkina Faso—a country South Africa considers too close to France. » It adds that « South Africans wanted to set up a committee to review constitutional requirements, a tactic also aimed at buying time until the term of the current AU president, Guinean Alpha Condé, who is seen as sympathetic to Morocco, expires. »
« A number of West African states have never actively supported the Sahrawi struggle. Some regional analysts believe this is because their foreign policy has historically been tied to that of the former colonial power, France, which is an ally of Morocco, » concludes News24.
For many observers, France, after thwarting UN efforts on the Western Sahara conflict at the Security Council, is now attempting to neutralize the active support for the Sahrawis that has characterized the AU in recent years.
The issue of Western Sahara must be removed from the hands of the UN, which has been unable to find a solution in 50 years, but in the hands of the AU, with very different power dynamics since the protagonists are no longer just high-ranking officials in New York and the two rival countries, but an entire continent with conflicting interests, political friendships, and therefore, inevitably, mutual favours, mediations, and all sorts of exchanges far removed from Morocco and Algeria or the Sahrawi people—factors that will now weigh heavily in the balance.
Morocco rejoined the African Union (AU) in January 2017, during the 28th summit in Addis Ababa, after a 32-year absence following its departure in 1984 in protest against the admission of the SADR (Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic). The admission request immediately garnered support from 39 out of the 54 AU member states, constituting a very comfortable majority. Algeria was among the countries—such as South Africa, Nigeria, Uganda, South Sudan, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Mozambique, Malawi, and Kenya—that somewhat attempted to grasp the true intentions of the Makhzen behind this accession.
However, it was evident that Algeria would not make waves during the vote. Diplomatic battles no longer have a place at the current summit. Algeria emerged reassured—or nearly so—from this accession, which posed no problems among AU member states and to which Morocco issued no preconditions.
But naivety has no place in diplomacy, lobbying, and alliances of interest. Morocco is not naive enough to settle for an accession it knew full well would not be rejected. Morocco’s desire to rejoin the AU’s ranks is not new. It has been documented in Algerian diplomatic records for many years. Algeria knows, above all, that Rabat has used all manner of maneuvers with African countries to achieve a “calm and serene” return among them.
Between the long years past and its return, the day its accession to the AU was consecrated, the Moroccan kingdom has made significant strides on the continent. France provided considerable support in this endeavour. Known for its unwavering support on major issues, France could not ignore Morocco’s quest to re-join the AU without ensuring the necessary relays for it. The services Morocco has always rendered to France (Afrique) are invaluable.
For Algeria, Morocco’s entry alongside the SADR is a significant achievement for the AU, which must now work to uphold the provisions of its constitutive act requiring respect for territories and their borders. They are certain that this is a major victory for Algeria’s fundamental principles and convictions. It would thus be illusory for Moroccans to think even for a moment about revising the AU’s statutes to exclude the SADR. If that were the case, it would lead to the implosion of the Union. But in these times of conspiracies and destructive “Arab Springs,” it would be wise to guard against this as securely as possible.
Africa, of Peoples and Anti-Colonial Leaders.
The history of contemporary Africa has been written in indelible golden letters with the names of “Martyrs” and “Freedom Fighters,” from the Cape of Good Hope to Algiers, the Mecca of revolutionaries, to liberate the continent from its non-African colonizers in a historic popular uprising, to reclaim human dignity and defeat oppression and racial segregation, forging a collective memory as intact as it is vibrant. A unifying ideal and common heritage gave rise to the African Union, tasked with consolidating this salutary communion and deepening its emancipation and economic and cultural integration across generations.
From Africa’s Anti-Colonialism to Morocco’s Exceptional Colonialism.
Iconic African figures, from Johnny Makatini and Oliver Tambo to Nelson Mandela, Amilcar Cabral who called Algiers the Mecca of revolutionaries, Sam Nujoma, Samora Machel, Houari Boumediene of the clear revolution, Agostino Neto, Jomo Kenyatta, Thomas Sankara, Marien N’Gouabi—these names and others, pan-Africanist icons recognized worldwide and by history, through their sacrifices and humanist values, have defeated all forms of colonization and oppression through the strength of resistance.
While this continent, the cradle of humanity and its future, gives rise to free and committed individuals dedicated to Africa’s emancipation and invests in it, a country claiming to be African, Morocco—a remnant of the colonial era—attempts to reverse the inexorable course of history, returning us to the starting point and its dark pages.
While colonial powers have abdicated and attempt to honorably shed an untenable colonial and neocolonial legacy in the 21st century to salvage their conscience before the verdict of history, the Makhzen stands as an exception, attempting to accomplish colonial rule in Western Sahara, in denial of history and international law.
Claiming to be African but never daring to be pan-African, the Makhzen, as the last colonizer of Africa’s last colony, faces a contradiction that discredits it despite all the subterfuges employed to no avail. It refuses to apply the right to self-determination of a people recognized by international legality and justice, as well as the decisions and resolutions of the international community.
The least that can be said is that Morocco, in its colonial obstinacy, has no place in the African Union, whose principles, constitutive act, and values it betrays.
From Pan-Africanism to the Makhzen’s Retrograde Ambitions.
Historical and contemporary pan-Africanism lies in active solidarity with Africa’s just causes, past and present. When the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, a full member of the OAU and a founding member of the African Union, advocated and deliberated in the same liberating spirit within the Coordinating Committee for the Liberation of Africa (CCLA), providing aid and assistance to the ANC in South Africa, FRELIMO in Mozambique, the MPLA in Angola, SWAPO in Namibia, and the PAIGC in Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, Morocco at that time deserted Africa and preferred to ally with the Zionist entity and apartheid South Africa in a shameful collusion against the ANC and Mandela’s struggle.
Today, we are witnessing a repeat of the same collusion against the Palestinian people, thankfully with a liberated South Africa and a vigilant Algeria working to purge from the African stage the Zionism that the Makhzen shamefully sought to introduce into the institutional heart of the continent.
Faced with the Makhzen’s maneuvers undermining Africa’s emancipation, many heads of state of AU member countries regret having blessed its accession to the continental organization. They realize that its presence is not healthy but rather toxic.
By seeking to expel the SADR and strongly supporting the incursion of the Zionist entity—against the principles and Constitutive Act of the African Union—the Makhzen, mired in endless scandals, will only have transposed its troubles elsewhere into an Africa that has become allergic to its suspect, if not abject, methods.
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